The 48 references with contexts in paper Niclas Berggren, Henrik Jordahl, Panu Poutvaara (2010) “The Right Look: Conservative Politicians Look Better and their Voters Reward it” / RePEc:ces:ceswps:_3310

1
Alford, J. R., Funck, C. L., & Hibbing, J. R. (2005). Are political orientations genetically transmitted?
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    Thus our findings could also suggest that right politicians might be able to capture bigger rents when in office. 19 The general approach of this research field is outlined in Fowler and Shreiber (2008). 20
    Exact
    Alford et al. (2005)
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    show that the underlying basis of political attitudes and ideology may be genetic; cf. Fowler et al. (2008), Hatemi et al. (2009) and Settle et al. (2009). The two consequences just described indicate that the net effect of differences in beauty premia is ambiguous.

3
Amodio, D. M., Jost, J. T., Master, S. L., & Yee, C. M. (2007). Neurocognitive correlates of liberalism and conservatism. Nature Neuroscience, 10, 1246-1247.
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    ) perform a meta-analysis and find that psychological variables, such as death anxiety, system instability, intolerance of ambiguity, lack of openness to experiencing new things, need for order and fear of threat, predict a conservative political orientation. More recent studies showing relationships between personality or physiology and political orientation include
    Exact
    Block and Block (2006), Westen et al. (2006), Amodio et al. (2007), Oxley et al. (2008), Vigil (2008), Chiao et al. (2009), Schreiber et al. (2009) and Zamboni et al. (2009).
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    20 While this literature does not clarify any mechanism for a link from neurocognitive or psychological differences between left and right sympathizers to different weights awarded to different aspects of physical appearance, such as beauty, it does suggest the possibility of such a mechanism. 6.

4
Andreoni, K., & Petrie, R. (2008). Beauty, gender and stereotypes: Evidence from laboratory experiments. Journal of Economic Psychology, 29(1), 73–93.
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    (The response alternatives also included ”Prefer not to answer”.) particular, it could be that beauty is perceived as a signal of altruism (in a wide sense) and that voters consider it especially important with altruistic traits in right politicians.
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    Andreoni and Petrie (2008)
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    find, in an experimental study, that participants expect beautiful participants to be more cooperative in a publicgoods game. Similarly, Wilson and Eckel (2006) find that beautiful players are trusted to a higher degree in a trust game.16 Hence, there seems to be a basis for thinking that voters associate prosocial tendencies with attractiveness.

7
Ballew II, C. C., & Todorov, A. (2007). Predicting political elections from rapid and unreflective face judgments. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 104(46), 17948–17953.
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    The general result that physical appearance matters in politics has been established in several previous studies.1 Todorov et al. (2005) find that inferences of competence from photographs help predict the outcomes of elections to the U.S. Congress (72 percent of Senate races and 67 percent of House races). Subsequently,
    Exact
    Ballew and Todorov (2007),
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    Antonakis and Dalgas (2009), Benjamin and Shapiro (2009), Poutvaara et al. (2009), King and Leigh (2009), Berggren et al. (2010), Rule at al. (2010), Lawson et al. (2010), and Olivola and Todorov (2010) provide further evidence that candidate appearance matters for electoral success in a number of countries.

8
Benjamin, D. J., & Shapiro, J. M. (2009). Thin-slice forecasts of gubernatorial elections. Review of Economics and Statistics, 91(3), 523–536.
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  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=4097
    Prefix
    The general result that physical appearance matters in politics has been established in several previous studies.1 Todorov et al. (2005) find that inferences of competence from photographs help predict the outcomes of elections to the U.S. Congress (72 percent of Senate races and 67 percent of House races). Subsequently, Ballew and Todorov (2007), Antonakis and Dalgas (2009),
    Exact
    Benjamin and Shapiro (2009), Poutvaara et al. (2009), King and Leigh (2009), Berggren et al. (2010),
    Suffix
    Rule at al. (2010), Lawson et al. (2010), and Olivola and Todorov (2010) provide further evidence that candidate appearance matters for electoral success in a number of countries. However, none of these studies look at differences in beauty or in beauty premia between political candidates from the left and from the right.

9
Berggren, N., Jordahl, H., & Poutvaara, P. (2010). The looks of a winner: Beauty and electoral success. Journal of Public Economics, 94(1–2), 8–15.
Total in-text references: 4
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=4097
    Prefix
    The general result that physical appearance matters in politics has been established in several previous studies.1 Todorov et al. (2005) find that inferences of competence from photographs help predict the outcomes of elections to the U.S. Congress (72 percent of Senate races and 67 percent of House races). Subsequently, Ballew and Todorov (2007), Antonakis and Dalgas (2009),
    Exact
    Benjamin and Shapiro (2009), Poutvaara et al. (2009), King and Leigh (2009), Berggren et al. (2010),
    Suffix
    Rule at al. (2010), Lawson et al. (2010), and Olivola and Todorov (2010) provide further evidence that candidate appearance matters for electoral success in a number of countries. However, none of these studies look at differences in beauty or in beauty premia between political candidates from the left and from the right.

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    King and Leigh (2009) used 5 respondents. The majority of the respondents were from Sweden or the United States, but we also had significant participation from France, Germany and Denmark. As reported in
    Exact
    Berggren et al. (2010),
    Suffix
    we find that respondents in different Western countries make similar evaluations. Lawson et al. (in press) generalize this finding to more dissimilar countries by demonstrating that evaluations by subjects living in the United States and India predict actual election outcomes in Mexico and Brazil quite accurately.

  3. In-text reference with the coordinate start=23916
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    While the competence evaluations are, to some extent, related to what the candidates wear, the relationship does not differ between respondents to the left and to the right. 3.2. Electoral success We now turn to regression analysis to investigate the relationship between the trait evaluations and electoral success. We focus on non-incumbent candidates, as
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    Berggren et al. (2010)
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    showed that appearance does not matter as much for incumbents.10 Appearance and other pieces of information may be more important for less well-known candidates, and an incumbency dummy may not fully capture such differences.

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    11 The pooling of candidates from the Social Democratic Party and the Left Alliance is supported by statistical tests; there is no specification in which we can reject (at the five percent significance level) that the beauty coefficients are equal for candidates from these two parties. 12 No definitive gender differences with regard to beauty premia could be established by
    Exact
    Berggren et al. (2010);
    Suffix
    however, other studies indicate that gender sometimes does matter for reactions to beauty. For example, Dreber et al. (2010) find that male chess results that allow us to compare the beauty and competence coefficients of right and left candidates.

10
Berggren, N., Jordahl, H., & Stern, C. (2009). The political opinions of Swedish social scientists. Finnish
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    We are only aware of one dataset where beliefs about the importance of looks for success in life are related to political dispositions. The dataset in question contains information about the political opinions of Swedish academics and is presented in
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    Berggren et al. (2009).
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    It turns out that academics who lean left politically believe that good looks are just as important for success in life as those who lean right do, regardless of whether the political classification is based on party preferences or on left-right selfidentification.

13
Bobbio, N. (1996). Left & Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction. Cambridge: Polity Press.
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    (2006), and Rule and Ambady (2008). 2 Budge and Robertson (1987: 394–395) differentiate between left and right in terms of “economic-policy conflicts – government regulation of the economy through direct controls or takeover ... as opposed to free enterprise, individual freedom, incentives and economic orthodoxy.” On the usage and relevance of this terminology in modern politics, see
    Exact
    Klingemann (1995), Bobbio (1996) and
    Suffix
    – for the Nordic countries – Grendstad (2003). Although politically relevant, left-right terminology involves simplification (Mair, 2007), and the exact meaning of the terms differ somewhat between political cultures (Zechmeister, 2006). isolate the effect of beauty from other vote motives, like ideology, and to handle other empirical problems related to the selection and quality

14
Buckley, F., Collins, N., & Reidy, T. (2007). Ballot paper photographs and low-information elections in Ireland. Politics, 27(3), 174–181.
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    To win a seat in parliament, a candidate normally has to first win a seat in the municipal council.7 Politics is more competitive at the national level. Municipal elections can be characterized as low-information elections – defined by
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    Buckley et al. (2007,
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    176) as “elections which do not involve significant constitutional office and do not attract large scale media coverage” – as only a few candidates (especially among non-incumbents) are “career politicians” who are politicians by occupation or have a history of active campaigning and public visibility.

15
Budge, I., & Robertson, D. (1987). Do parties differ, and how? Comparative discriminant and factor analysis. In I. Budge, D. Hearl & D. Robertson (Eds.), Ideology, Strategy and Party Change:
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    This allows us to 1 On the importance of physical appearance for how people are perceived and treated outside of politics, see, e.g., Hamermesh and Biddle (1994), Langlois et al. (2000), Mobius and Rosenblat (2006), and Rule and Ambady (2008). 2
    Exact
    Budge and Robertson (1987
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    : 394–395) differentiate between left and right in terms of “economic-policy conflicts – government regulation of the economy through direct controls or takeover ... as opposed to free enterprise, individual freedom, incentives and economic orthodoxy.

17
Carlsson, F., & Johansson-Stenman, O. (2010). Why do you vote and vote as you do? Kyklos, 63(4), 495– 516.
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    Similarly, Wilson and Eckel (2006) find that beautiful players are trusted to a higher degree in a trust game.16 Hence, there seems to be a basis for thinking that voters associate prosocial tendencies with attractiveness. If voters furthermore think that right candidates are more selfish, a suspicion supported by the findings in
    Exact
    Carlsson and Johansson-Stenman (2010),
    Suffix
    they may value beauty more in right candidates.17 The competence premium for left candidates could have a related explanation. Given that left candidates are seen as more altruistic, left voters may be looking for cues of strength in another dimension, e.g. competence, where their candidates are stereotyped as being weaker.

18
Chiao, J. Y., Mathur, V. A., Harada, T., & Lipke, T. (2009). Neural basis of preference for human social hierarchy versus egalitarianism. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1167(1), 174–181.
Total in-text references: 1
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=55686
    Prefix
    ) perform a meta-analysis and find that psychological variables, such as death anxiety, system instability, intolerance of ambiguity, lack of openness to experiencing new things, need for order and fear of threat, predict a conservative political orientation. More recent studies showing relationships between personality or physiology and political orientation include
    Exact
    Block and Block (2006), Westen et al. (2006), Amodio et al. (2007), Oxley et al. (2008), Vigil (2008), Chiao et al. (2009), Schreiber et al. (2009) and Zamboni et al. (2009).
    Suffix
    20 While this literature does not clarify any mechanism for a link from neurocognitive or psychological differences between left and right sympathizers to different weights awarded to different aspects of physical appearance, such as beauty, it does suggest the possibility of such a mechanism. 6.

19
Crandall, T.L., DaBell, G.P., DaBell, J.L., Findley, K.S., Kammeyer, M.D., & Nielsen, M. (2007). The halo effect and religiosity: are attractive people perceived as more religious? BYU Undergraduate Journal of Psychology, 3, 19–22.
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    Hence, this general kind of belief does not seem able to explain our results. Religion could provide another reason for beauty being a more relevant cue for right voters. Since attractive people are perceived as more religious
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    (Crandall et al., 2007; Naumann et al., 2009),
    Suffix
    conservative voters who care about religiosity may be more inclined to vote for good-looking candidates. We are able to investigate this explanation by using voting data from a hypothetical election.

20
Dreber, A., Gerdes, K., Gränsmark, P. (2010). Beauty queens and battling knights: Risk taking and attractiveness in chess. IZA DP 5314. Institute for the Study of Labor.
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    no specification in which we can reject (at the five percent significance level) that the beauty coefficients are equal for candidates from these two parties. 12 No definitive gender differences with regard to beauty premia could be established by Berggren et al. (2010); however, other studies indicate that gender sometimes does matter for reactions to beauty. For example,
    Exact
    Dreber et al. (2010)
    Suffix
    find that male chess results that allow us to compare the beauty and competence coefficients of right and left candidates. Since our identification comes from the interaction of the two trait variables Beauty and Competence with the dummy variable Right, we include the interaction of all unreported dummy variables with Right in most specifications, but we do not report es

21
Fowler, J. H., Baker, L. A., & Dawes, C. T. (2008). Genetic variation in political participation. American
Total in-text references: 1
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=58149
    Prefix
    Thus our findings could also suggest that right politicians might be able to capture bigger rents when in office. 19 The general approach of this research field is outlined in Fowler and Shreiber (2008). 20 Alford et al. (2005) show that the underlying basis of political attitudes and ideology may be genetic; cf.
    Exact
    Fowler et al. (2008), Hatemi et al. (2009) and Settle et al. (2009).
    Suffix
    The two consequences just described indicate that the net effect of differences in beauty premia is ambiguous. On the one hand, beauty favors right candidates, in terms of getting elected, but on the other hand, their political platforms will be geared more to the left voters who care less about the looks of politicians.

24
Grendstad, G. (2003). Reconsidering Nordic party space. Scandinavian Political Studies, 26(3), 193–217.
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  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=6391
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    394–395) differentiate between left and right in terms of “economic-policy conflicts – government regulation of the economy through direct controls or takeover ... as opposed to free enterprise, individual freedom, incentives and economic orthodoxy.” On the usage and relevance of this terminology in modern politics, see Klingemann (1995), Bobbio (1996) and – for the Nordic countries –
    Exact
    Grendstad (2003).
    Suffix
    Although politically relevant, left-right terminology involves simplification (Mair, 2007), and the exact meaning of the terms differ somewhat between political cultures (Zechmeister, 2006). isolate the effect of beauty from other vote motives, like ideology, and to handle other empirical problems related to the selection and quality of candidates.

25
Hamermesh, D. S., & Biddle, J. E. (1994). Beauty and the labor market. American Economic Review, 84(5), 11741194.
Total in-text references: 3
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    politics, with one or several parties on each side.2 Finland’s proportional electoral system with personal votes enables us to estimate electoral beauty premia from within-party competition. This allows us to 1 On the importance of physical appearance for how people are perceived and treated outside of politics, see, e.g.,
    Exact
    Hamermesh and Biddle (1994), Langlois et al. (2000), Mobius and Rosenblat (2006), and Rule and Ambady (2008).
    Suffix
    2 Budge and Robertson (1987: 394–395) differentiate between left and right in terms of “economic-policy conflicts – government regulation of the economy through direct controls or takeover ... as opposed to free enterprise, individual freedom, incentives and economic orthodoxy.

  2. In-text reference with the coordinate start=45521
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    One potential explanation is that better-looking candidates sort into the party where beauty is more productive electorally. While our results are consistent with this explanation, our data are not suited for testing it.
    Exact
    Hamermesh and Biddle (1994)
    Suffix
    report weak evidence that beautiful people sort into occupations where their looks are productive. This form of selection could be at hand even though jobs are not as easily substitutable on the political labor market and even if people choose parties purely in accordance with their ideological conviction.

  3. In-text reference with the coordinate start=46327
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    A second possible explanation is a general relationship between looks and political opinions. A simple economic explanation could be that beautiful people earn more money on the labor market
    Exact
    (Hamermesh and Biddle 1994) and
    Suffix
    are therefore – for selfish reasons – more inclined to oppose redistribution and support parties to the right. For a more general psychological explanation, it could be that good-looking people are more likely to perceive the world as a just place (since they are treated better than others) – and are therefore inclined to embrace conservative opinions.

26
Hamermesh, D. S., Meng, X., & Zhang, J. (2002). Dress for success – does primping pay? Labour Economics, 9(3), 361–373.
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    share of respondents who replied that a political candidate was “Above average” or “Very handsome or beautiful” rather than relying on the 1–5 scale as our measure of beauty (and of competence). 4 By incumbent is meant a political candidate who served in the office in question, or as members of the national or the European parliaments, at the time of the election. 5 In any case,
    Exact
    Hamermesh et al. (2002)
    Suffix
    find that clothes and makeup only affect perceptions of a person’s beauty marginally. 2.3. Respondents We had 2,513 respondents. This number greatly exceeds the number of respondents in comparable studies on the role of facial appearance in politics.

27
Hatemi, P. K., Alford, J. R., Hibbing, J. R., Martin, N. G., & Eaves, L. J. (2009). Is there a “party” in your genes? Political Research Quarterly, 62(3), 584–600.
Total in-text references: 1
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=58149
    Prefix
    Thus our findings could also suggest that right politicians might be able to capture bigger rents when in office. 19 The general approach of this research field is outlined in Fowler and Shreiber (2008). 20 Alford et al. (2005) show that the underlying basis of political attitudes and ideology may be genetic; cf.
    Exact
    Fowler et al. (2008), Hatemi et al. (2009) and Settle et al. (2009).
    Suffix
    The two consequences just described indicate that the net effect of differences in beauty premia is ambiguous. On the one hand, beauty favors right candidates, in terms of getting elected, but on the other hand, their political platforms will be geared more to the left voters who care less about the looks of politicians.

28
Jost, J. T., Glaser, J., Kruglanski, A. W., & Sulloway, F. J. (2003). Political conservatism as motivated social cognition. Psychological Bulletin, 129(3), 339–375.
Total in-text references: 1
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=55271
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    Finally, we cannot rule out the possibility that voters of candidates on the right differ on a neurocognitive level from voters of candidates on the left. There are several studies that point to neurocognitive foundations of political orientations and that connect them to basic psychological dispositions.19
    Exact
    Jost et al. (2003)
    Suffix
    perform a meta-analysis and find that psychological variables, such as death anxiety, system instability, intolerance of ambiguity, lack of openness to experiencing new things, need for order and fear of threat, predict a conservative political orientation.

29
Karvonen, L. & Paloheimo, H. (2003). Finnish National Election Study 2003. Computer file FSD1260, version 1.0 (2003-10-09). Data collected in 2003 by TNS Gallup Finland, Espoo. Producer: Elections and Representative Democracy in Finland research group. Distributor: Finnish Social
Total in-text references: 1
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    % 5% governmental organisation Right candidates belong to the National Coalition Party. Left candidates belong to the Social Democratic Party or to the Left Alliance. The numbers presented in the table and in the paper refer to voters for these three parties. Source:
    Exact
    Karvonen and Paloheimo (2003).
    Suffix
    Table A2. Occupational data for municipal and parliamentary candidates, percent Occupation Municipal Election Parliamentary election Political leader 2.4 12.9 Party worker 2.3 2.2 Management 6.3 5.5 Researcher

31
King, A., & Leigh, A. (2009). Beautiful politicians. Kyklos, 62(4), 579–593.
Total in-text references: 2
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=4097
    Prefix
    The general result that physical appearance matters in politics has been established in several previous studies.1 Todorov et al. (2005) find that inferences of competence from photographs help predict the outcomes of elections to the U.S. Congress (72 percent of Senate races and 67 percent of House races). Subsequently, Ballew and Todorov (2007), Antonakis and Dalgas (2009),
    Exact
    Benjamin and Shapiro (2009), Poutvaara et al. (2009), King and Leigh (2009), Berggren et al. (2010),
    Suffix
    Rule at al. (2010), Lawson et al. (2010), and Olivola and Todorov (2010) provide further evidence that candidate appearance matters for electoral success in a number of countries. However, none of these studies look at differences in beauty or in beauty premia between political candidates from the left and from the right.

  2. In-text reference with the coordinate start=12341
    Prefix
    This number greatly exceeds the number of respondents in comparable studies on the role of facial appearance in politics. In the pioneering study by Todorov et al. (2005), only 34 out of 843 respondents evaluated beauty.
    Exact
    King and Leigh (2009)
    Suffix
    used 5 respondents. The majority of the respondents were from Sweden or the United States, but we also had significant participation from France, Germany and Denmark. As reported in Berggren et al. (2010), we find that respondents in different Western countries make similar evaluations.

32
Klingemann, H.–D. (1995). Party positions and voter orientations. In H.–D. Klingemann, D. Fuchs (Eds.), Citizens and the State (183–205). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Total in-text references: 1
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=6318
    Prefix
    (2006), and Rule and Ambady (2008). 2 Budge and Robertson (1987: 394–395) differentiate between left and right in terms of “economic-policy conflicts – government regulation of the economy through direct controls or takeover ... as opposed to free enterprise, individual freedom, incentives and economic orthodoxy.” On the usage and relevance of this terminology in modern politics, see
    Exact
    Klingemann (1995), Bobbio (1996) and
    Suffix
    – for the Nordic countries – Grendstad (2003). Although politically relevant, left-right terminology involves simplification (Mair, 2007), and the exact meaning of the terms differ somewhat between political cultures (Zechmeister, 2006). isolate the effect of beauty from other vote motives, like ideology, and to handle other empirical problems related to the selection and quality

34
Langlois, J.H., Kalakanis, L., Rubenstein, A.J., Larson, A., Hallamm, M., & Smoot, M. (2000). Maxims or myths of beauty? A meta-analytic and theoretical review. Psychological Bulletin, 126(3), 390– 423.
Total in-text references: 1
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=5857
    Prefix
    politics, with one or several parties on each side.2 Finland’s proportional electoral system with personal votes enables us to estimate electoral beauty premia from within-party competition. This allows us to 1 On the importance of physical appearance for how people are perceived and treated outside of politics, see, e.g.,
    Exact
    Hamermesh and Biddle (1994), Langlois et al. (2000), Mobius and Rosenblat (2006), and Rule and Ambady (2008).
    Suffix
    2 Budge and Robertson (1987: 394–395) differentiate between left and right in terms of “economic-policy conflicts – government regulation of the economy through direct controls or takeover ... as opposed to free enterprise, individual freedom, incentives and economic orthodoxy.

36
Lenz, G., & Lawson, C. (2010). Looking the part: Television leads less informed citizens to vote based on candidates’ appearance. Manuscript. MIT.
Total in-text references: 1
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    Prefix
    It could be the case that television mediates the influence of appearance in parliamentary campaigns and that voters on the left and on the right are equally influenced by appearance as seen on television.
    Exact
    Lenz and Lawson (2010)
    Suffix
    find that television exacerbates the effect of appearance among the less informed. Depending on the information left and right voters have, this could imply that in the parliamentary election, left candidates “catch up” to the beauty premia of right candidates due to the importance of television in this election.

37
Mair, P. (2007). Left-right orientations. In R. Dalton, & H.-D. Klingemann (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior (206–222). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Total in-text references: 1
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=6496
    Prefix
    of the economy through direct controls or takeover ... as opposed to free enterprise, individual freedom, incentives and economic orthodoxy.” On the usage and relevance of this terminology in modern politics, see Klingemann (1995), Bobbio (1996) and – for the Nordic countries – Grendstad (2003). Although politically relevant, left-right terminology involves simplification
    Exact
    (Mair, 2007), and
    Suffix
    the exact meaning of the terms differ somewhat between political cultures (Zechmeister, 2006). isolate the effect of beauty from other vote motives, like ideology, and to handle other empirical problems related to the selection and quality of candidates.

38
McDermott, M. L. (1997). Voting cues in low-information elections. American Journal of Political Science, 41(1), 270–283.
Total in-text references: 3
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    and electoral success is estimated with less precision and the negative coefficients for right candidates imply a weaker relationship over the full sample of left and right candidates. The estimates also suggest that female left candidates do better than male left candidates. For right candidates there is, however, no visible gender difference. In accordance with
    Exact
    McDermott (1997),
    Suffix
    our interpretation is that voters use gender as a cue in low-information elections. Since women are typically seen as kinder and more compassionate than men, they are stereotyped as caring more about social welfare issues, which could make them preferable to men, on a left party list with relatively unknown candidates.

  2. In-text reference with the coordinate start=44757
    Prefix
    Thus, candidate appearance and gender follow the same pattern of having noticeably larger differences between left and right candidates in the municipal elections. The reason, in our interpretation, is that voters have access to much more information about the candidates in parliamentary elections.
    Exact
    McDermott (1997)
    Suffix
    finds that candidate gender is used as a heuristic in low-information elections, especially by voters with minimal knowledge about the candidates. 5. Interpretation We have established that right candidates look better than left candidates and that there is larger beauty premium for right candidates in municipal, but not in parliamentary, elections.

  3. In-text reference with the coordinate start=52345
    Prefix
    The explanation that beauty serves as a signal of altruism and that this signal is more important for right candidates is consistent with the finding that the beauty premium of right candidates exceeds the premium of left candidates only in municipal elections. In accordance with
    Exact
    McDermott (1997),
    Suffix
    we find that candidate appearance follows the same pattern as gender of having noticeably larger differences between left and right candidates in the low-information, municipal elections.

39
Mobius, M. M., & Rosenblat, T. S. (2006). Why beauty matters. American Economic Review, 96(1), 222– 235.
Total in-text references: 1
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=5857
    Prefix
    politics, with one or several parties on each side.2 Finland’s proportional electoral system with personal votes enables us to estimate electoral beauty premia from within-party competition. This allows us to 1 On the importance of physical appearance for how people are perceived and treated outside of politics, see, e.g.,
    Exact
    Hamermesh and Biddle (1994), Langlois et al. (2000), Mobius and Rosenblat (2006), and Rule and Ambady (2008).
    Suffix
    2 Budge and Robertson (1987: 394–395) differentiate between left and right in terms of “economic-policy conflicts – government regulation of the economy through direct controls or takeover ... as opposed to free enterprise, individual freedom, incentives and economic orthodoxy.

40
Mulford, M., Orbell, J., Shatto, C., & Stockard, J. (1998). Physical attractiveness, opportunity and success in everyday exchange. American Journal of Sociology, 103(6), 1565–1593.
Total in-text references: 1
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    Prefix
    Given that voters are more informed based on this experience, the expectations that beautiful politicians are more altruistic should no longer be that effective in parliamentary elections, pushing the beauty premia of left and right candidates towards equalization.18 16 Cf.
    Exact
    Mulford et al. (1998),
    Suffix
    who find that beautiful participants are expected to cooperate more in a prisoners’ dilemma, and Solnick and Schweitzer (1999), who find that beautiful people are offered more in an ultimatum game and that more is expected from them. 17 Interestingly, it turns out that participants are mistaken about beautiful participants being more cooperative and trustworthy –

41
Naumann L. P., Vazire S., Rentfrow P.J, & Gosling S.D. (2009). Personality judgments based on physical appearance. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 35(12), 1661–1671.
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    Hence, this general kind of belief does not seem able to explain our results. Religion could provide another reason for beauty being a more relevant cue for right voters. Since attractive people are perceived as more religious
    Exact
    (Crandall et al., 2007; Naumann et al., 2009),
    Suffix
    conservative voters who care about religiosity may be more inclined to vote for good-looking candidates. We are able to investigate this explanation by using voting data from a hypothetical election.

42
Nurmi, H., & Nurmi, L. (2004). The parliamentary election in Finland, March 2003. Electoral Studies, 23(3), 557–565.
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    In small districts with less than 14 seats, a party can present 14 candidates. In the 2003 parliamentary election, turnout was 70%. Female candidates received 43% of all votes and won 75 of the 200 seats in parliament
    Exact
    (Nurmi and Nurmi, 2004).
    Suffix
    6 In the 2004 municipal elections, turnout was 59%. 6 Raunio (2005) presents more facts about the Finnish political system. 2.5. Voter information about municipal and parliamentary candidates Electoral competition works quite differently at the municipal and at the national level.

43
Olivola, C. Y., & Todorov, A. (2010). Elected in 100 milliseconds: Appearance-based trait inferences and voting. Journal of Nonverbal Behavior, 34(2), 83–110.
Total in-text references: 1
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=4246
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    Subsequently, Ballew and Todorov (2007), Antonakis and Dalgas (2009), Benjamin and Shapiro (2009), Poutvaara et al. (2009), King and Leigh (2009), Berggren et al. (2010), Rule at al. (2010), Lawson et al. (2010), and
    Exact
    Olivola and Todorov (2010)
    Suffix
    provide further evidence that candidate appearance matters for electoral success in a number of countries. However, none of these studies look at differences in beauty or in beauty premia between political candidates from the left and from the right.

44
Oxley, D. R., Smith, K. B., Alford, J. R., Hibbing, M. V., Miller, J. L., Scalora, M., Hatemi, P. K., & Hibbing, J. R. (2008). Politicial attitudes vary with physiological traits. Science, 321(5896), 1667–1670.
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    ) perform a meta-analysis and find that psychological variables, such as death anxiety, system instability, intolerance of ambiguity, lack of openness to experiencing new things, need for order and fear of threat, predict a conservative political orientation. More recent studies showing relationships between personality or physiology and political orientation include
    Exact
    Block and Block (2006), Westen et al. (2006), Amodio et al. (2007), Oxley et al. (2008), Vigil (2008), Chiao et al. (2009), Schreiber et al. (2009) and Zamboni et al. (2009).
    Suffix
    20 While this literature does not clarify any mechanism for a link from neurocognitive or psychological differences between left and right sympathizers to different weights awarded to different aspects of physical appearance, such as beauty, it does suggest the possibility of such a mechanism. 6.

47
Poutvaara, P., Jordahl, H., & Berggren, N. (2009). Faces of politicians: Babyfacedness predicts inferred competence but not electoral success. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 45(5), 11321135.
Total in-text references: 1
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    The general result that physical appearance matters in politics has been established in several previous studies.1 Todorov et al. (2005) find that inferences of competence from photographs help predict the outcomes of elections to the U.S. Congress (72 percent of Senate races and 67 percent of House races). Subsequently, Ballew and Todorov (2007), Antonakis and Dalgas (2009),
    Exact
    Benjamin and Shapiro (2009), Poutvaara et al. (2009), King and Leigh (2009), Berggren et al. (2010),
    Suffix
    Rule at al. (2010), Lawson et al. (2010), and Olivola and Todorov (2010) provide further evidence that candidate appearance matters for electoral success in a number of countries. However, none of these studies look at differences in beauty or in beauty premia between political candidates from the left and from the right.

48
Raunio, T. (2005). Finland: one hundred years of quietude. In M. Gallagher, & P. Mitchell (Eds.), The Politics of Electoral Systems (471–493). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=15037
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    Female candidates received 43% of all votes and won 75 of the 200 seats in parliament (Nurmi and Nurmi, 2004).6 In the 2004 municipal elections, turnout was 59%. 6
    Exact
    Raunio (2005)
    Suffix
    presents more facts about the Finnish political system. 2.5. Voter information about municipal and parliamentary candidates Electoral competition works quite differently at the municipal and at the national level.

49
Rule, N. O., & Ambady, N. (2008). The face of success: Inferences from chief executive officers’ appearance predict company profits. Psychological Science, 19(2), 109–111.
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    politics, with one or several parties on each side.2 Finland’s proportional electoral system with personal votes enables us to estimate electoral beauty premia from within-party competition. This allows us to 1 On the importance of physical appearance for how people are perceived and treated outside of politics, see, e.g.,
    Exact
    Hamermesh and Biddle (1994), Langlois et al. (2000), Mobius and Rosenblat (2006), and Rule and Ambady (2008).
    Suffix
    2 Budge and Robertson (1987: 394–395) differentiate between left and right in terms of “economic-policy conflicts – government regulation of the economy through direct controls or takeover ... as opposed to free enterprise, individual freedom, incentives and economic orthodoxy.

50
Rule, N. O., Ambady, N., Adams, R. B, Ozono, H., Nakashima, S., Yoshikawa, S., & Watabe, M. (2010). Polling the face: Prediction and consensus across cultures. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 98(1), 1–15.
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    Lawson et al. (in press) generalize this finding to more dissimilar countries by demonstrating that evaluations by subjects living in the United States and India predict actual election outcomes in Mexico and Brazil quite accurately. Likewise,
    Exact
    Rule et al. (2010)
    Suffix
    report that American and Japanese participants made similar inferences of traits from the faces of both U.S. and Japanese political candidates, and although their evaluations predicted election outcomes between cultures, the participants themselves were only able to accurately predict election outcomes of candidates within their own culture. 2.4.

51
Schreiber, D., Simmons, A. N., Dawes, C. T., Flagan, T., Fowler, J. H., & Paulus, M. P. (2009). Red brain, blue brain: Evaluative processes differ in Democrats and Republicans. Mimeo, Department of Political Science, University of California San Diego.
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    ) perform a meta-analysis and find that psychological variables, such as death anxiety, system instability, intolerance of ambiguity, lack of openness to experiencing new things, need for order and fear of threat, predict a conservative political orientation. More recent studies showing relationships between personality or physiology and political orientation include
    Exact
    Block and Block (2006), Westen et al. (2006), Amodio et al. (2007), Oxley et al. (2008), Vigil (2008), Chiao et al. (2009), Schreiber et al. (2009) and Zamboni et al. (2009).
    Suffix
    20 While this literature does not clarify any mechanism for a link from neurocognitive or psychological differences between left and right sympathizers to different weights awarded to different aspects of physical appearance, such as beauty, it does suggest the possibility of such a mechanism. 6.

52
Settle, J. E., Dawes, C. T., & Fowler, J. H. (2009). The heritability of partisan attachment. Political
Total in-text references: 1
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=58149
    Prefix
    Thus our findings could also suggest that right politicians might be able to capture bigger rents when in office. 19 The general approach of this research field is outlined in Fowler and Shreiber (2008). 20 Alford et al. (2005) show that the underlying basis of political attitudes and ideology may be genetic; cf.
    Exact
    Fowler et al. (2008), Hatemi et al. (2009) and Settle et al. (2009).
    Suffix
    The two consequences just described indicate that the net effect of differences in beauty premia is ambiguous. On the one hand, beauty favors right candidates, in terms of getting elected, but on the other hand, their political platforms will be geared more to the left voters who care less about the looks of politicians.

54
Solnick, S. J., & Schweitzer, M. E. (1999). The influence of physical attractiveness and gender on ultimatum game decisions. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 79(3), 199– 215.
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  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=53896
    Prefix
    that beautiful politicians are more altruistic should no longer be that effective in parliamentary elections, pushing the beauty premia of left and right candidates towards equalization.18 16 Cf. Mulford et al. (1998), who find that beautiful participants are expected to cooperate more in a prisoners’ dilemma, and
    Exact
    Solnick and Schweitzer (1999),
    Suffix
    who find that beautiful people are offered more in an ultimatum game and that more is expected from them. 17 Interestingly, it turns out that participants are mistaken about beautiful participants being more cooperative and trustworthy – but this is nevertheless their ex ante expectation. 18 The bigger role of television in parliamentary elections could be a complem

55
Statistics Finland (2001). Classification of occupations 2001. Available at http://tilastokeskus.fi/tk/tt/luokitukset/lk_en/ammatti_index.html.
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  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=62895
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    Student 8.8 5.4 Not employed 2.8 1.5 Not listed 12.2 8.5 The occupation data is reported on electoral lists and have been classified by us according to the classification of
    Exact
    Statistics Finland (2001),
    Suffix
    though we have merged certain occupational categories with a small number of candidates and listed party workers as a group of their own. Table A3. Average trait evaluations according to respondent ideology (standard deviations in parentheses) Candidates Respondents Beauty Competence

56
Todorov, A., Mandisodza, A.N., Goren, A., Hall, C.C., 2005. Inferences of competence from faces predict election outcomes. Science, 308(5728), 1623–1626.
Total in-text references: 3
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=3833
    Prefix
    If not, the parties whose voters are more responsive to appearance might be expected to select and attract better-looking candidates. The general result that physical appearance matters in politics has been established in several previous studies.1
    Exact
    Todorov et al. (2005)
    Suffix
    find that inferences of competence from photographs help predict the outcomes of elections to the U.S. Congress (72 percent of Senate races and 67 percent of House races). Subsequently, Ballew and Todorov (2007), Antonakis and Dalgas (2009), Benjamin and Shapiro (2009), Poutvaara et al. (2009), King and Leigh (2009), Berggren et al. (2010), Rule at al. (2010), Lawson et al. (2010), and Olivo

  2. In-text reference with the coordinate start=5012
    Prefix
    The candidates were evaluated, through a web survey, by a large number of respondents from other countries on traits such as beauty and competence, and we relate those evaluations to the votes each candidate received in parliamentary and municipal elections. Given that several papers following
    Exact
    Todorov et al. (2005)
    Suffix
    have found that inferences of competence predict electoral success, we include photograph-based competence evaluations in our investigation, both separately and together with beauty. We focus our analysis on the National Coalition Party on the right and on the Social Democratic Party and the Left Alliance on the left.

  3. In-text reference with the coordinate start=12269
    Prefix
    of the national or the European parliaments, at the time of the election. 5 In any case, Hamermesh et al. (2002) find that clothes and makeup only affect perceptions of a person’s beauty marginally. 2.3. Respondents We had 2,513 respondents. This number greatly exceeds the number of respondents in comparable studies on the role of facial appearance in politics. In the pioneering study by
    Exact
    Todorov et al. (2005),
    Suffix
    only 34 out of 843 respondents evaluated beauty. King and Leigh (2009) used 5 respondents. The majority of the respondents were from Sweden or the United States, but we also had significant participation from France, Germany and Denmark.

57
Vigil, J. M. (2008). Facial expression processing varies with political affiliation. Nature Proceedings, http://hdl.handle.net/10101/npre.2008.2414.1
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    ) perform a meta-analysis and find that psychological variables, such as death anxiety, system instability, intolerance of ambiguity, lack of openness to experiencing new things, need for order and fear of threat, predict a conservative political orientation. More recent studies showing relationships between personality or physiology and political orientation include
    Exact
    Block and Block (2006), Westen et al. (2006), Amodio et al. (2007), Oxley et al. (2008), Vigil (2008), Chiao et al. (2009), Schreiber et al. (2009) and Zamboni et al. (2009).
    Suffix
    20 While this literature does not clarify any mechanism for a link from neurocognitive or psychological differences between left and right sympathizers to different weights awarded to different aspects of physical appearance, such as beauty, it does suggest the possibility of such a mechanism. 6.

58
Westen, D. (2007). The Political Brain: The Role of Emotion in Deciding the Fate of the Nation. New York: Public Affairs.
Total in-text references: 1
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=58677
    Prefix
    On the one hand, beauty favors right candidates, in terms of getting elected, but on the other hand, their political platforms will be geared more to the left voters who care less about the looks of politicians. Finally, our findings can be related to the different use of emotional tactics by political parties. For example,
    Exact
    Westen (2007)
    Suffix
    suggests that whereas Republican strategists have understood that emotions decide election outcomes, Democrat strategists have clung to a dispassionate view of the mind, making them focus on rational argumentation, to their detriment.

59
Westen, D., Blagov, P. S., Harenski, K., Kilts, C., & Hamann, S. (2006). Neural bases of motivated reasoning: An fMRI study of emotional constraints on partisan political judgment in the 2004 U.S. presidential election.” Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 18(11), 1947–1958.
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    Prefix
    ) perform a meta-analysis and find that psychological variables, such as death anxiety, system instability, intolerance of ambiguity, lack of openness to experiencing new things, need for order and fear of threat, predict a conservative political orientation. More recent studies showing relationships between personality or physiology and political orientation include
    Exact
    Block and Block (2006), Westen et al. (2006), Amodio et al. (2007), Oxley et al. (2008), Vigil (2008), Chiao et al. (2009), Schreiber et al. (2009) and Zamboni et al. (2009).
    Suffix
    20 While this literature does not clarify any mechanism for a link from neurocognitive or psychological differences between left and right sympathizers to different weights awarded to different aspects of physical appearance, such as beauty, it does suggest the possibility of such a mechanism. 6.

60
Wilson, R. K., & Eckel, C. C. (2006). Judging a book by its cover: Beauty and expectations in the trust game. Political Research Quarterly, 59(2), 189–202.
Total in-text references: 1
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=51308
    Prefix
    Prefer not to answer”.) particular, it could be that beauty is perceived as a signal of altruism (in a wide sense) and that voters consider it especially important with altruistic traits in right politicians. Andreoni and Petrie (2008) find, in an experimental study, that participants expect beautiful participants to be more cooperative in a publicgoods game. Similarly,
    Exact
    Wilson and Eckel (2006)
    Suffix
    find that beautiful players are trusted to a higher degree in a trust game.16 Hence, there seems to be a basis for thinking that voters associate prosocial tendencies with attractiveness. If voters furthermore think that right candidates are more selfish, a suspicion supported by the findings in Carlsson and Johansson-Stenman (2010), they may value beauty more in r

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Zamboni, G., Gozzi, M., Krueger, F., Duchamel, J.-R., Sirigu, A., & Grafman, J. (2009). Individulism, conservatism, and radicalism as criteria for processing political beliefs: A parametric fMRI study.
Total in-text references: 1
  1. In-text reference with the coordinate start=55686
    Prefix
    ) perform a meta-analysis and find that psychological variables, such as death anxiety, system instability, intolerance of ambiguity, lack of openness to experiencing new things, need for order and fear of threat, predict a conservative political orientation. More recent studies showing relationships between personality or physiology and political orientation include
    Exact
    Block and Block (2006), Westen et al. (2006), Amodio et al. (2007), Oxley et al. (2008), Vigil (2008), Chiao et al. (2009), Schreiber et al. (2009) and Zamboni et al. (2009).
    Suffix
    20 While this literature does not clarify any mechanism for a link from neurocognitive or psychological differences between left and right sympathizers to different weights awarded to different aspects of physical appearance, such as beauty, it does suggest the possibility of such a mechanism. 6.

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Zechmeister, E. (2006). What’s left and who’s right? A Q-method study of individual and contextual influences on the meaning of ideological labels. Political Behavior, 28(2), 151–173.
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    Prefix
    individual freedom, incentives and economic orthodoxy.” On the usage and relevance of this terminology in modern politics, see Klingemann (1995), Bobbio (1996) and – for the Nordic countries – Grendstad (2003). Although politically relevant, left-right terminology involves simplification (Mair, 2007), and the exact meaning of the terms differ somewhat between political cultures
    Exact
    (Zechmeister, 2006).
    Suffix
    isolate the effect of beauty from other vote motives, like ideology, and to handle other empirical problems related to the selection and quality of candidates. In the 2003 Finnish National Election Study, most voters reported having been influenced by the political opinions and the party of the candidates when making their choice.